Summary of Jean Daigle's historical synthesis in Acadia of the Maritimes, published by the Chaire d'études acadiennes, Université de Moncton, 1995. Translation by Sally Ross.
The Acadian is of French descent
The term "Acadia" was used for the first time in 1524 by the Italian explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano. When he came upon the region of present-day Washington during the month of April, the vegetation appeared so luxuriant that he named the area "Arcadia" after the region of ancient Greece renowned for its innocence and contentment. Today the region visited by Verrazzano is called Delmarva because it encompasses parts of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. The 'Y' was dropped in the 17th century and the name Acadia was used to designate the territory covered by the Maritime provinces of today.
Although the first French colony was established in 1604, the shores of the Maritimes had been frequented by fishermen from Normandy, Brittany, and the Basque country and by fur traders from various port cities long before that date. Caught up in the Wars of Religion, France was slow to enter the race for colonies in North America. In 1588 the French monarchy, aware of the territorial disputes resulting from the fur trade, began to distribute monopolies to groups of merchants. Gradually monopolies for the fur trade were used as a means of financing colonization. In those early years a dazzling image of America was fostered in the minds of Europeans by writers who praised the exotic charms of an earthly paradise.
It was under these circumstances that Henri IV granted the Protestant merchant Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, a ten-year monopoly on the fur trade in the lands situated between the 40th and the 46th latitude in exchange for bringing out a certain number of settlers. De Monts, Samuel de Champlain, and Jean de Biencourt de Poutrincourt were part of the expedition of about 80 men, which set out from France in 1604. After chosing the Baie Française (Bay of Fundy), they decided to settle on he Sainte-Croix (St Croix Island). The expedition sailed to this location because previous explorations along the St Lawrence valley had failed to discover either the passage to China or deposits of gold and silver. This explains why Champlain began a methodical exploration of the coastline as far as Cape Cod in order to establish accurate maps.
The little Acadian colony was a heavy burden for the company set up by De Monts and the merchants of various French ports. The fur trade barely covered the expenses and it was virtually impossible to prevent the contraband practised by other French merchants.
The winter of 1606-07 was more pleasant than the one of 1604-05, during which nearly half of the men had succumbed to scurvy. Lawyer Marc Lescarbot arrived in 1606 and mounted the first theatrical performance in North America, the Theâtre de Neptune. Samuel de Champlain founded the Ordre du Bon Temps, in which each of the settlers took turns providing fish and game for the table. French merchants, who had been excluded from the lucrative fur trade as a result of the monopoly given to De Monts, plotted and schemed to such an extent that in 1607, before the date of expiry, the king revoked De Mont's exclusive trading rights. Since he was unable to finance the colony, De Monts returned to France with his men.
In the meantime, Poutrincourt, enthralled by his stay in Acadia, obtained a grant in order to return to North America. Accompanied by several other individuals, including Claude and Charles de Saint-Etienne de La Tour, he went back to settle in Port-Royal. Once again, it was private initiative that put together a colonization project. Given the great demand for furs in Europe, Poutrincourt's backers expected to finance their endeavour with the profits from the fur trade. They did not yet realize the very costly nature of this type of venture, which also involved housing and feeding the settlers for several years.
Faced with an increasing number of financial difficulties, Poutrincourt was obliged to seek help from the Jesuits. He offered to bring two Jesuits to Acadia to assist Father Jessé Fléché, the secular priest. When the Jesuits arrived, they accused Fléché of having baptized the Natives hastily without first providing the appropriate religious instruction. The affair divided the colony into two camps and reached such proportions that the matter was brought to the attention of the royal court and the Sorbonne. The Jesuits placed a canonical interdiction on Port-Royal and, with the support of their financial backers, founded a rival colony in 1613 at Saint-Sauveur, near Île des Monts (Mount Desert Island) in present-day Maine. In July of the same year Samuel Argall, a buccaneer from Virginia, put a brutal end to the matter by destroying both Acadian settlements. The colonists in Saint-Sauveur were taken back to France; some of them, including Poutrincourt's son, Charles de Biencourt, decided to stay on in Acadia.
Although very little is known about this period, a handful of Frenchmen "lived and dressed like the [native] people of this land" and, with the support of merchants in La Rochelle, chartered a vessel almost every year to bring them supplies." Until Biencourt's death in 1623, French presence in the region was limited to the commercial pursuits of a few men. The few inhabitants of Port-Royal and Cap Nègre (Cape Negro) led a lonely existence, but their very presence enabled the distinction to be made between New France and "Acadia or the land of the Souriquois, further to the south." This distinction, stressed in official correspondence and later reinforced from an administrative point of view, constitutes one of the elements of Acadian identity. After Biencourt died, his self-proclaimed heir, Claude de La Tour, continued to trade for furs in the region around Cap Sable (Cape Sable) and Fort Lomeron.
The future of the colony was to be shaped by European politics. Caught between opposing policies, the Acadian population endured a troubled history and looked on powerlessly as others made decisions. By right of conquest, Acadia had been English since 1613, but in practice it was still French, since no English settlers arrived before 1629. The two colonial powers of Europe paid little attention to Acadia until the end of the 1620s, when renewed interest foreshadowed the turbulent years that lay ahead for the inhabitants of this coveted territory. Once again, it became obvious that the control of the internal affairs of Acadia by two European countries only hindered development.
The creation of the Compagnie des Cent Associés by Cardinal Richelieu in 1627 signalled the return of the French to North America, since one of the goals of the company was to bring out a large contingent of settlers. France shifted the responsibility for settlement from the system of private companies to partnerships in which the state participated. Meanwhile, England began to take interest in the fate of the Acadian colony. Although the Scotsman William Alexander was granted Acadia in 1621 under the name of Nova Scotia, he did not actually implement his plan for a Scottish settlement in Port-Royal until 1629. He named Claude de La Tour baronet of Nova Scotia and granted him a large tract of land. That same year France appointed Claude's son, Charles de La Tour, lieutenant-general of Acadia and sent him aid to build a fort in the Cape Sable region and another in 1632 at the mouth of the Saint John River. Until 1632 the Acadian colony was mainly linked with the Charente region of south-western France. The important connections between the colony and this part of France are evident in the number of shipments from Brouage and the Île d'Oléron and in the number of seaman who were born in the old province of Saintonge.
During the reign of Louis XIII and Cardinal Richelieu, France signed the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1632), which guaranteed the return of New France and Acadia, the two French colonies in North America. Because of its geographic location, Acadia served as the "Wall of China" 16 between New France and the Thirteen Colonies. The decision to set up a seigneurial regime in Acadia and the appointment of Isaac de Razilly a commander of the Order of Malta, as governor signalled the beginning of a new life for the colony. It was at this time that serious efforts were made to promote the colony of the Bay of Fundy. Although precise information is scanty, it would appear that a number of people brought out by Claude and Isaac de Razilly's company did settle permanently.
A minority in North America: 1635-70
The European powers were too preoccupied with their own problems to become involved in colonial matters. War between France and Spain was declared in 1636 and lasted until the Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659. In the meantime, England was torn apart in 1642 by a civil war and did not experience internal peace until the restoration of the Stuarts in 1660.
The accidental death of Governor Isaac de Razilly in 1636 shattered the hopes of a seigneurial regime. The development of the colony was delayed for several years as a result of internal quarrels that consumed energies. Both Charles de Menou d'Aulnay, who was established at Port-Royal, and Charles de La Tour, who was based on the Saint John River and at Cape Sable, requested that the king of France settle the boundaries of their respective jurisdictions. Far from settling the matter, the court issued a strange document which illustrated the vague notion officials in France had of the geography of Acadia: each man was given command of the other's economic territory. As a result, the two lieutenants carried out a ruthless struggle until 1645. The tiny colony even maintained international relations, since both La Tour and d'Aulnay concluded agreements with Massachusetts to obtain money or troops. Each of the rivals realized that the English presence to the south could be useful. For their part, however, the authorities in Massachusetts tried to avoid compromising their own position before the outcome of the struggle was known.
Despite the conflict that pitted d'Aulnay and La Tour against each other, both men brought out contract workers to Acadia through their agents in La Rochelle. Several of these individuals were tradesmen who returned to France at the end of their contract. A memorandum sent by d'Aulnay contains the first mention of families in the colony. He wrote that at the time there were "20 French couples who came over with their families," but this does not necessarily imply that he was responsible for bringing them. This group constitutes the original core of the Acadian population which was later expanded with the arrival of other settlers. Andrée Brin (Brun), the daughter of Vincent and Renée Braude (Brault), was baptized on 26 Aug. 1646 at the church in La Chaussée, located in the Loudun area of France. Not long after her baptism Andrée came with her parents to North America. According to the census of Port-Royal in 1671, she was married to Claude Terriau (Thériault), the son of Jean Terriau and Perrine Ruau who immigrated when d'Aulnay was governor.
After the accidental drowning of Charles de Menou d'Aulnay in 1650, a feud developed between three individuals - Emmanuel Le Borgne, Charles de La Tour, and Nicolas Denys - all of whom had a stake in the estate of the governor whose commercial and colonizing endeavours had put him heavily in debt. Le Borgne, d'Aulnay's main financial backer, was unable to come to an agreement with the family and in 1652 took over Port-Royal , where most of his creditor's interests were located. Le Borgne also attacked La Tour's establishment in Pentagouet and La Hève (LaHave) and Denys's establishment at Saint-Pierre (St Peter's) in Cape Breton. By marrying d'Aulnay's widow, La Tour sought to ensure "peace and tranquillity in the land and harmony and union among the two families, " while at the same time consolidating his position and recovering his establishments in Saint John and Cape Sable.
In order to protect his financial interest in the fishery and the fur trade, Nicolas Denys obtained on 30 Jan. 1654 a land grant that encompassed the Gulf of St Lawrence from Canseau (Canso) to the Gaspé The armed conflicts between the creditor Le Borgne and the grantees, La Tour-d'Aulnay and Denys, hampered the development of the colony, slowed down the flow of immigration, resulted in the closing of a school for young girls run by Madame Brice, and forced the Recollets to leave the mission in Port-Royal. The Recollets were replaced by Franciscans in 1664. At the time of d'Aulnay's death in 1650, between 40 and 50 families formed the basic core of the Acadian population. Few families arrived after that date. The majority of individuals who came later were recruited among the soldiers and tradesmen who opted to stay in the colony for good.
Having been given the order to attack the colony of New Holland (New York), Robert Sedgewick pillaged most of the Acadian settlements between July and September 1654. This conquest of a rather dubious nature plunged Acadia into an uncertainty which lasted several years. From 1654 to 1670 both France and England exercised their authority in the region. Versailles continued to distribute land grants as well as fishing and hunting rights, whereas England conceded the conquered territory, once again baptized Nova Scotia as it had been in the days of William Alexander, to William Crowne, Charles de La Tour, and Thomas Temple. La Tour profited little from the grant. Temple, who was later appointed governor of Nova Scotia, made virtually no attempt to enhance his section of the territory and found himself constantly in the midst of disputes pitting him against his associates and his rivals, such as Emmanuel Le Borgne. Civil war in England helped the expansion of the fishery in New England. Companies from England used Massachusetts as a base for the fishery in Newfoundland and for trade with the West Indies.
For 15 years the Acadians frequented the English more often than the French. It was during this period that two of the characteristic features of Acadian life began to emerge, namely co-existence and accommodation with the English. The Acadians' conduct and heritage was affected by regular contacts with Native Peoples and with the English. This is evident, for example, in the use of English in expressions like "vous too" and "pas yet" or the use of Amerindian terms for place names. 32 The Acadians, like the inhabitants of New France, were destined to be a minority in North America. From 1666 onward, the flow of immigrants was seriously jeopardized by France's colonial policy, which stipulated that it "would not be prudent to depopulate the kingdom in order to populate Canada.
This statement was a sign that France would be increasingly reluctant to subsidize immigration to North America. Henceforth, demographic expansion would be linked to the fertility of the Acadian population which, despite a high rate of natural growth, was unable to catch up with Massachusetts. The comparison is revealing: in 1670 there were approximately 400 Acadians as opposed to a population of more than 50,000 in Massachusetts, where the number of immigrants was expanding on a daily basis because of religious persecutions in England and the economic lure of the Puritan colony. By leaving the colonization of Acadia to private initiative, the colony was condemned to a marginal existence.
The Acadians reclaim wetland: 1670-90
The Treaty of Breda, signed by France and England in 1667, marked the return of Acadia to its place among the French colonies. Thomas Temple, the English administrator of Acadia from 1650 to 1660, created so many difficulties before handing the territory over to the French that Hector d'Andigné de Grandfontaine, the new governor appointed by France, was not able to take possession of the colony until 1670.
Accompanied by about 30 soldiers and 60 settlers, Grandfontaine now found himself faced with the enormous task of having to restore French authority among 400-odd settlers who had been living independently for several years. He was hampered by the fact that Louis XIV had decided not to make any "outlay" for his colonies in North America at a time when the colony needed support more than ever. It was too late for Acadia to be reintegrated by a colonial administration that had spent considerable sums in the 1660s but whose policies were totally oriented towards Europe by 1670.37 Grandfontaine was also obliged to prevent the English in the Anglo-American colonies from trading and fishing in French territory.
It would appear that neither Grandfontaine nor his successors were able to achieve the objectives which were essential to French control of Acadia. In the colonial context of North America, Acadia was of marginal significance. Positioned between two rival colonies, the territory along the Bay of Fundy was the subject of dispute on several occasions and the scene of numerous military engagements. Successive governors - Joybert de Soulanges, de Chambly, and Leneuf de La Vallière - all faced similar military and administrative problems which demonstrated the weakness of the Acadian colony.
After the Treaty of Breda, Acadia became a royal colony, which meant that the French crown took over the financial and administrative responsibilities, since neither private nor public companies had been successful in developing the colonies in North America. From an administrative point of view, the governor of New France had jurisdiction over Acadia but, in practice, the administrators on the Bay of Fundy preferred to deal directly with France. The isolation, communication difficulties, and specific internal problems forced officials in Acadia to follow a very different course of action than those in New France.
Given their meagre resources, the authorities in Acadia could do no more than pursue a laissez-faire policy with regard to the fishery and the fur trade. There were no ships to guard the coastline of the colony, consequently fisherman from Boston and Salem were able to continue operating as if nothing had changed.
Once again the weakness of the colony was demonstrated when Pentagouet, the military headquarters of Acadia, was attacked in 1674 by Julian Aernoutsz, a Dutch naval officer. Governor Jacques de Chambly capitulated after a two-hour struggle and his lieutenant, entrenched at Jemseg, was taken prisoner. As was customary, Aernoutsz pillaged the various Acadian settlements before leaving the area. The inability to withstand this sudden attack served as a reminder to the Acadians that, despite their efforts to create a society resembling a French province, France had not ensured their protection. Given this fact, it is not surprising that the population followed a course of action that did not coincide with the objectives of the mother country. The many critical remarks made by French officials regarding the Acadians' independent spirit or stubbornness illustrate the gap between the imperialist ideal and the tendencies that were emerging in North America.
A number of inhabitants of Port-Royal, the only sizeable settlement, moved to other areas along the Bay of Fundy; around 1674, for example, a group settled in Beaubassin at the head of the bay and in the mid 1680s another group founded the village of Les Mines (Grand-Pré) Some of the settlers left Port-Royal because of the feeling of insecurity which had developed as a result of the constant raids by the English. By settling elsewhere, they could find tranquillity and new areas to farm.
The Acadians worked the land in a way that was both original and unique in North America. Rather than clearing high ground, they preferred to cultivate alluvial soils near the sea. The Bay of Fundy, acting as a funnel, generates very high tides which the Acadians "succeeded in stopping by great dikes" that enabled the lowlands to be drained. A swinging valve in the dike allowed fresh water to flow out while preventing salt water from flooding the land. Thanks to this method of farming, the Acadians were able to cultivate very productive land quickly without too much effort. Because they worked less than the farmers in New France and New England, they were accused of being lazy for merely having exploited the surrounding geography in an ingenious manner. Recent scholars have described them as "reclaimers of wetlands".
Although the technological aspect is certainly important, diking the lowlands also influenced social relationships. The population favoured a scattered settlement pattern in which groups of individuals clustered together in family units bonded by affection and close blood ties. A number of dwellings were grouped together under the name of one patriarch (such as Melanson, Gaudet, and Bellisle) forming hamlets on either side of the Rivière Dauphin (Annapolis River). The houses, which looked out over the alluvial soil, had pastureland at the back and a woodlot leading into the forest.
Despite the fact that the Acadians were profoundly attached to their land, they did not escape the agricultural mediocrity of the time; in other words, they were unenlightened in farming techniques and animal husbandry. However, in spite of their trials and tribulations, the Acadians were rarely afflicted by famine or epidemics. There is record of one year of food shortages (1699), which only affected the Port-Royal area. A healthy diet would explain why there are only two recorded incidents of the plague: one in 1709 which killed 50 people, mainly English prisoners in Port-Royal; and another in 1751 which took the lives of 25 settlers. It would appear that the population was healthy, since no doctors or surgeons were attracted to the colony except for Jacques Bourgeois, a surgeon involved in numerous activities.
France continued to show little interest in the colony throughout the late 1600s. With the death of Commander Joybert de Soulanges in July 1678, Acadia found itself without a leader. Anxious to extend his sphere of influence into Acadia, Frontenac, the governor of New France, appointed Leneuf de La Vallière commandant, although his decision was never ratified by the king. Born in New France, La Vallière came with his family and several inhabitants from the St Lawrence valley who settled permanently in Acadia. He sold fishing rights to the English in an attempt to maintain a semblance of French authority on Acadian shores, while at the same time supplementing his own income. The practice of selling fishing rights to the neighbours to the south had existed since the arrival of Governor Grandfontaine and thus was not unusual.
The Compagnie de la pêche sédentaire or Compagnie d'Acadie, founded in 1682, was one of the most ardent critics of La Vallière. The directors of this company, who sought to develop the fishery along the Acadian coastline and to use local labour for drying and salting fish, frowned on this colonial administrator who failed to support their efforts. The complaints expressed by the Compagnie d'Acadie were not without bearing on La Vallière's recall in 1684 and on the appointment of the former governor of Montréal, François-Marie Perrot, who continued the same practices as his predecessor. The policy of the Compagnie d'Acadie hampered the activities of the New England ship owners; consequently, the company's main establishment, Fort Saint Louis at Chedabuctou (near Canso), was destroyed in 1687. The Compagnie d'Acadie led a miserable existence until its demise in the early 1700s. Far from stimulating a lucrative fishery, the company proved incapable of even providing a framework for the subsistence fishing carried out by the Acadians. Because of a series of blunder it committed, it was referred to as a "nest of killers and vultures". After innumerable financial and military difficulties, it ceased operations in 1702.
The French colonial policy of the time placed considerable importance on relations with the Native Peoples. As the first inhabitants of Acadia, they proved to be very useful both in times of war and in times of peace. The Acadians maintained friendly contacts with these people who "grew like the grass ... from the land." These ties can be explained by a number of factors, including the influence of missionaries, gifts from the French government, and the fact that the population of European descent did not settle on traditional hunting and fishing.
grounds. Since the reclamation of marshlands increased access to the fish and wildlife resources for the Acadians and the Native Peoples, both groups considered themselves "happier and stronger than the French".
The lands occupied by the Mi'kmaq covered the present-day territory of the Gaspé peninsula, the east coast of New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Nova Scotia. The Mi'kmaq are descendants of the Souriquois who, according to Champlain, lived in the area to the east of the Saint John River. The Maliseet, Abenakis, and Passamaquoddy occupied the region that extended as far as the Kennebec River and they were not descendants of the Etchemins, but rather the product of ethnic groups who consolidated as a result of policies enforced by New England and New France. Depending on ecological factors, the survival of the Native People revolved around hunting, fishing, and gathering.
Recent research contradicts the popular belief according to which the aboriginal people during the summer months sought out a coastal habitat where they could fish, hunt for seals or waterfowl, and then, following big game, move into the forest for the winter. It would appear that, depending on the region, some groups preferred to settle more or less permanently at the mouth of a river, whereas other groups followed a varied migratory cycle, hunting and fishing along the way.
A variety of exchanges developed between Native Peoples and Whites, including intermarriages between Native women and Frenchmen, the most notable of whom were: Charles de Saint-Étienne de La Tour in Cape Sable, Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin in Pentagouet, and Richard Denys de Fronsac in Jemseg. The Baron de Saint-Castin, a French soldier in Pentagouet, married the daughter of a Native chief and devoted himself to maintaining a French presence in the region. The social rank of these men gave a certain degree of respectability to this type of union and served as an example for the Lejeune, the Martin, and the Hills Mius d'Entremont families of the LaHave region and for Charles de Menou d'Aulnay in Cape Sable.
Between 1675 and 1676 Saint-Castin's skilful advice to the Native People during King Philip's War (named after the son of a Native chief in New England) enabled the French to extend their influence to the region bounded by the Pentagouet and the Kennebec Rivers. Saint-Castin built a dwelling not far from Fort Pentagouet on the River Bagaduce; the location became a very important settlement and trading centre. According to remarks made at the time, Saint-Castin traded regularly with the English, enemies of the inhabitants of Pentagouet. Evidence of the exchanges between the more technologically advanced civilization and the civilization living closer to its ecological milieu can be seen in placenames and religious vocabulary. The use of Amerindian names to designate places such as Cobequid (Truro) and Pisiquid (Windsor) is proof of the influence of the descendants of the first inhabitants of the land; various French religious terms such as "angeri" for angel and "hostisin" for host are still present in the Amerindian language.
The Native People were not bound to French policies. Their skills in the fur trade enabled them to pursue their own interests in the same capacity as the English and the French. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Abenakis along the Pentagouet River kept up commercial ties with the merchants of both New England and France, since their own needs took precedence over considerations of a strictly political nature.
Trade between the Acadia and Massachusetts, although forbidden, was sufficiently lucrative to justify the involvement of inhabitants from both colonies. "Caught like the iron between the hammer and the anvil", the Acadians came up against the commercial expansionism of Massachusetts. The economic control of the English colony over the Bay of Fundy constitutes one of the dominant themes of the history of the region. With insufficient supplies from France, the Acadians turned to their neighbours to the south and, in some cases, they did not have to go far since the English merchants were conveniently located in Port-Rossignol (Liverpool) and Port-Royal. These commercial ties, based on the barter system, constituted a mutual accommodation, albeit unequal, between two trading partners. For the Acadians, it was a way of disposing of a surplus of grain, fish, and furs in exchange for manufactured products (knives, needles, and tableware) and foodstuffs from the West Indies (sugar, molasses, and rum).
Although the merchants and fishermen from Massachusetts delivered supplies to the Acadians a number of Acadians also engaged in trading. Furthermore, French merchants, who wanted to make sure that their voyages to Acadia were profitable, had no qualms about trading some of their merchandise in American ports. The process of regional economic integration was completed with political unification and was further consolidated by the immigration of a large number of inhabitants from New England after the expulsion of the Acadians and the Treaty of Paris in 1763.78
Neither wars nor threats of seizure stopped the Acadians who, through daring and tenacity, became part of the trade between the two colonies. Charles de Saint-Étienne de La Tour, one of the sons of the marriage between La Tour (Sr) and Jeanne Motin-d'Aulnay, is a an excellent case in point. After a number of uneventful trips to Boston, his boat was seized in 1696 by rival English merchants. He lost an initial trial, despite influential connections in the Puritan capital. Disappointed by the turn of events, he took his case to the Supreme Court of the Colony of Massachusetts. Unfortunately for him, La Tour lost his case again and had his vessel and his cargo of merchandise confiscated. Despite the risks, Acadians succeeded in becoming part of the economic fabric of the time, as the activities of Pierre Dubreuil, Louis Allain, and Jean de Saint-Aubin indicate. Their relations with their Anglophone counterparts were dominated by debt and financial subordination; in this regard, the colony was an economic satellite of Boston, which profited at the "expense of Acadia".
Two dignitaries visited the colony on the Bay of Fundy at the end of the 1680s: Jacques De Meulles, the intendant of New France, and Mgr Saint-Vallier, Bishop of Quebec. The intendant stayed in the colony from October 1685 until July 1686 in order to make an inventory of the available resources and to look into the possibility of establishing a commercial fishery in the Bay of Fundy that would complement the activities of the Compagnie de la pêche sédentaire along the coast. After having visited various Acadian settlements and conducted a Census, De Meulles expressed the opinion that the fishery could constitute the driving force of the economy of the colony if the necessary investments were made. He neglected, however, to take into account the resistance of certain individuals in New England who would only give up their interests in Acadia in exchange for considerable human, financial, and military expenditures which the ministry of the French navy was obviously not prepared to make. From April to June 168684 the bishop of Quebec, Mgr Saint-Vallier, also visited Acadia. His report provides information on the religious and economic situation of the population and the role of the church in the region. Following his stay, a resident priest was appointed to serve the inhabitants of Grand-Pré and Beaubassin.
The representatives of the Roman Catholic Church provided a framework for the society of European descent and served as missionaries among the Native Peoples. The population did not hesitate to criticize the church as seen, for example, in the case of the inhabitants of Beaubassin who complained about their missionary, Father Baudoin. In addition to being absent frequently, he had demanded offerings to supplement the royal grant. The missionary Father Chrestien Le Clercq appears to have developed a hieroglyphic system of writing for the Natives in the Gaspé The difficulties experienced by a missionary serving among the Natives become apparent in Le Clercq's account of his travels in 1677 from Nipisiguit (Bathurst) to the Miramichi River, where Richard Denys de Fronsac was residing.
Because of its strategic location between two enemies, Acadia served as a battle ground as soon as a serious conflict broke out; such was the case during the War of the League of Augsburg (War of the Grand Alliance) from 1689 to 1697. Anxious to strike the English colonies, Governor Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac, led three expeditions in the middle of winter which devastated the settlements located on the border of the Anglo-American colonies. Rather than quelling the English settlers, the massacres merely stirred up patriotism and the desire for revenge. Acadia suffered reprisals and found itself conquered as a result of decisions that had been made elsewhere and that initially had not concerned it.
Des Friches de Meneval, Governor Perrot's successor, only had 100 soldiers to counter 7 vessels and 700 men under the command of William Phips. The conquest of Port-Royal in 1690 gave the attackers the opportunity to "ransack most of the inhabitants' homes, taking both clothing and animals." The population was not obliged to endure the customary occupation, however, because, after the cattle were rounded up and the valuables collected, the attackers appointed a council composed entirely of Acadians to look after daily affairs and then returned to Boston.
To calm the storm and to avoid the worst, the Acadians in Port-Royal took an oath of allegiance to the English crown. Until the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697, Acadia suffered the same fate at the hands of the English as it had under the French regime, in other words desertion and neglect.
An unfinished country: 1690-1710
This period was marked by growing hostilities between France and England over their colonial possessions in North America. The European Wars of the League of Augsburg (1689-97) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13) were used as a pretext by colonialists, notably in Massachusetts, to settle the Acadian question.
The Acadians realized that they were powerless to control their future, which was unfolding elsewhere. Frequent raids confirmed and reinforced the attitude of accommodation which they developed and applied with regard to both the French and the English. Rather than resist, the inhabitants along the Bay of Fundy preferred, like the reed in La Fontaine's fable, to let the storm pass in the hope of better days.
Accustomed to living on disputed territory, the Acadians saw no inconsistency in acting so as to satisfy contradictory demands. By adapting to their situation, they were able to obtain some degree of security and ensure their lasting presence on North American soil. At the time, this apparent disloyalty was attributed to the fact that the Acadians had "virtually suckled with their mother's milk their air of independence" or to the fact that "they frequented and traded with the [inhabitants] of Baston [sic]."
When the French commander, Joseph Robinau de Villebon, arrived from France shortly after the English troops had departed, he easily secured an oath of allegiance from the population in exchange for foodstuffs and goods of all kinds which he had brought with him. Having judged the situation at Port-Royal as being too dangerous, however, he took refuge with several soldiers at Jemseg on the Saint John River. With little military support from either France or New France, Commander Villebon kept a government in name only in Acadia. Although Massachusetts had been victorious, it took very little interest in Acadia and did not even make provisions for sending either a garrison or English settlers.
The establishment of the seigneurial system in North America had little effect on the socio-economic landscape of the colony. In dividing up the land, the state entrusted the seigneur-grantee with the task of improving the land by installing settlers. Approximately 55 seigneuries were granted between Gaspé in the north and the Penobscot River in the south. 94 Not many grantees bothered to develop the territory they received because of the immense size of the grants and the leniency of the colonial administration in France. The few seigneuries that were settled, such as Beaubassin, Port-Royal, or Cobequid, were the subject of squabbles between landowners and tenants, which would tend to suggest that the seigneurs did not have as much authority as was believed. In the final analysis, the seigneurial system did not prompt Acadian tenants to fulfil their obligations, since it failed to provide an organizational and supportive framework.
The limited population of the Acadian colony, as seen in the following table, made it an easy prey. At the time of the War of the League of Augsburg, the authorities in Quebec and France decided jointly to order the fearless d'Iberville to attack Fort Pemaquid in the colony of Maine. 97 When the fort was captured in the spring of 1696, the government of Massachusetts reacted immediately by calling for a retaliatory attack against Acadia. Colonel Benjamin Church was sent in the fall of the same year for the purpose of raiding Acadian villages. Wherever he went, he wreaked havoc and destruction, including the smashing of the dikes.
Despite repeated raids and looting - Port-Royal was attacked once in 1704, twice in 1707, and again in 1710 - the Acadians developed a capacity to resist and to adapt which enabled them to overcome their difficulties. The organization of the families along the Bay of Fundy explains how the inhabitants were able to live for over 150 years in a territory coveted by several nations. The limited immigration to Acadia meant that after three or four generations, all the inhabitants of the various settlements were related to one another (uncles, close cousins, distant cousins, etc.). As is always the case in peasant societies, emotional and blood ties formed the basis of a network of cooperation, solidarity, and interdependence. The homogeneity of the population created what is often referred to as the Acadian extended family, a traditional society which, thanks to the resources in the region, succeeded in withstanding the great social upheavals of the time.
In 1671 Governor Grandfontaine brought with him French colonists from Rochefort who joined the settlers already established in Acadia. After that date the flow of immigrants diminished and it was bachelors, rather than families, who settled in the region. Only 61 men and 5 women arrived prior to the conquest in 1710. These individuals originated from the Beauce region near Paris and various French provinces, including Anjou, Normandy, and Britanny. They mixed with the original group of settlers, along with others who had been brought to Acadia from New France by governor La Vallière. A number of these immigrants were Huguenots who had made their way to England before settling in Acadia and others, such as the Cassies, were Irish.
The Treaty of Ryswick in 1697 marked the end of the wars in North America and Europe, although the truce only lasted for five years. The last three years of Villebon's administration before his death in 1700 were devoted to consolidating the French presence in Acadia. The fort at Port-Royal was repaired and trade of all kinds increased between France and New France, thus indicating that the colony was still French despite its continued economic dependence on Massachusetts. The fisherman and merchants from New England who frequented Acadian shores were just as numerous, if not more so, than before. Moreover, Acadians such as Abraham Boudrot, Pierre Dubreuil, and Charles Melanson sailed frequently to Boston for supplies.
One fact remained unchanged: any decision on the part of France to limit trading or fishing in Acadian waters to French nationals would provoke various interest groups in Massachusetts, such as merchants, fishermen, and settlers living in border communities. 102 Anxious to defend their established rights, these groups recommended that Acadia be conquered. To remain French and eventually be conquered by Anglo-American settlers or to come to an understanding with these powerful neighbours and risk becoming an English trading post: therein lay the Acadian dilemma.
The outbreak of the War of the Spanish Succession in 1702 gave the Anglo-American colonists an opportunity to settle problems that had been suspended since the last conflict. One of these was the fate of Acadia which, to the great disappointment of the colonists in Massachusetts, had been handed back to France in 1697. This time, it was Massachusetts' firm intention to turn Acadia into an English colony. The unsuccessful attacks against the French colony in 1704 and 1707 proved to the leaders in Massachusetts that they would require military help from England in order to achieve their objective.
Living conditions in Acadia deteriorated during the war. The attacks, the looting of isolated settlements, and especially the economic blockade imposed by Massachusetts caused increasing hardships for the Acadians. A variety of commodities normally available from Boston could no longer be obtained, since it was becoming more and more difficult to slip past the tight surveillance net put in place to prevent smuggling. Furthermore, the maritime trade routes were guarded by the powerful British navy, which meant that goods from France were also difficult to procure. As a result, the morale among the troops and the Acadians diminished, along with the general resistance of the population.
Some merchandise did, however, reach the Acadian settlers. As a result of the war, a group of privateers from the French West Indies were drawn to Port-Royal, which they used as a home port. Lured by the potential for profit, captains such as Pierre Morpain, Pierre Maisonnat, known as Baptiste, and Daniel Robinau de Neuvillette, began attacking the trading fleet from Massachusetts. Food, fish, and all kinds of manufactured products were unloaded in Port-Royal. These privateers seized no fewer than 35 vessels and took more than 400 British prisoners in 1709 alone. This system of supply had two distinct disadvantages, however: it was impossible to know in advance what cargo the ship was carrying and the seizure of vessels only stirred up the desire for revenge.
Despite urgent requests for support on the part of Governor Daniel d'Auger de Subercase (1706-10), Versailles was too preoccupied with the military situation in Europe to be of much help. Massachusetts, on the other hand, obtained the aid it had demanded from London: troops and five warships. In addition to an expeditionary force of 1,000 men, Massachusetts received troops from the colonies of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire. When the British armada reached Port-Royal at the end of September 1710, the population suffered its fourth military attack. With only 400 soldiers, Subercase offered a weak resistance and capitulated on 12 Oct. 1710.
Neither too close, nor too far: 1710-30
One of the first problems that confronted the British administrators at Annapolis Royal, formerly Port-Royal, was how a British minority could govern a French majority. For a while it was thought that the conquest would result in a flood of British immigrants. Such was not the case, however. With the exception of a few merchants and soldiers, all of whom were located in the capital of Annapolis, there were scarcely any British immigrants prior to 1749. The conquest gave rise to a thorny issue, because for the first time Britain found itself governing a large homogenous population of French Catholics. The Acadians were living on the most fertile lands of the colony and their demographic growth meant that life in Nova Scotia was French. The conquest ushered in an unprecedented period of peace and stability for the Acadians. Placenames, such as, Beaubassin, Cocagne, Port LaJoie (Charlottetown), and Paradis Terrestre (Paradise), reflect the satisfaction and the general contentment with the material comfort of the New World. It was difficult for the British to gauge the loyalty of the Acadians, who were considered unreliable subjects. This explains the ambiguity of the British policy throughout the period and the minimal effect it had on the Acadian population.
The British position remained equivocal because, according to legal traditions of the time, property titles could not be granted to subjects who refused to swear allegiance to the monarch. The link between land tenure and the loyalty of Acadians to the crown constituted the main stumbling block in the relations between the British authorities and the population of the colony. Many Acadians thought that there would be a return to the pre-Ryswick days, in other words that diplomatic negotiations would result in Acadia being given back once again to France. Such was not the case. For the first time, the Acadians experienced life under an occupation.
To ensure that his troops would be paid, Colonel Samuel Vetch tried to collect a tax from the Acadians, but since they had never been subjected to this type measure, the Acadians found all sorts of reasons to avoid paying. They adopted the same attitude when they were asked to repair fortifications. The motto of the Saint-Castin family, "Neither too close, nor too far," illustrates the mentality of a population anxious to keep its distance and its freedom with regard to governmental demands. This attitude had already been apparent at the time of the census of Port-Royal in 1671, when some settlers refused to give information concerning their age, the number of children in the family, or the number of cattle in their possession. The resistance of the Acadians during the occupation reflected their position that it was better not to compromise themselves, since the future was unpredictable. Over the years the Acadians became suspicious of any external power - an indication of their feeling that decisions made by outsiders were likely to conflict with their own interests.
The Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 changed the balance of power in North America. According to Article 12 of the treaty, three French territories were ceded to Great Britain: Hudson Bay, Newfoundland, and Acadia. France retained the colony of Île Royale (present-day Cape Breton Island) in the Gulf of St Lawrence and planned to develop it. Although the year 1713 marked the loss of important colonies for France, it ushered in a new era for the Acadians. For the first time since their arrival in North America, they experienced a period of peace that lasted almost 30 years.
Article 14 of the Treaty of Utrecht dealt specifically with the question of the departure of the Acadians. The one year of grace mentioned in the article was extended slightly thanks to a recommendation by Queen Anne of Great Britain. Despite efforts made by France to entice Acadians to Île Royale in order to establish a new colony, few chose to leave their land. There were many reasons for their decision. They had sent representatives to inspect the quality of the land on Île Royale: frequent fog, the rocky soil, and the lack of alluvial land dissuaded them from leaving their fertile farms. Any emigration to Île Royale would obviously strengthen the French presence there while at the same time weakening Nova Scotia. Under the circumstances, the British discouraged the emigration of Acadians to Île Royale by forbidding the construction of boats and the sale of land or cattle.
In later years France reduced its efforts to encourage the Acadians to move to Île Royale since it was thought that their presence in Nova Scotia might be useful in the event of a reconquest. Approximately 70% of the Acadian families, who emigrated to Île Royale came from the densely populated area of Port-Royal, where the constant surveillance of the British garrison made trading difficult."' Concerned about supplying Île Royale, France favoured the establishment of an agricultural colony on Île Saint-Jean (present-day Prince Edward Island). However, the colonization company founded in 1720 by the Comte de Saint-Pierre was unable to attract enough settlers and discontinued its activities in 1724. In the final analysis, few Acadians left peninsular Nova Scotia for Île Saint-Jean, where the population increased from 297 people in 1728 to 432 in 1735.
British authorities were faced with deciding what type of government to set up in Nova Scotia. They introduced the monetary system of Massachusetts in order to facilitate trade between the two colonies. While waiting for precise instructions, a military-style government was established with political and judicial matters handled until 1720 by easygoing soldiers. The instructions Governor Richard Philipps received in 1719 gave him the mandate to assess the possibility of setting up a civil government with a house of assembly. Contrary to the instructions attached to his commission, Philipps saw no reason to institute a government similar to that of Virginia. Unlike the colony to the South, Nova Scotia had no complex administrative infrastructure and no parliamentary tradition.
As official representatives of the monarch, the successive governors enjoyed both civil and military powers, although few of them chose to live in the colony. In most cases, therefore, it was the lieutenant-governor who dealt with the Acadian population. A council of 12 men, soldiers for the most part, exercised legislative authority, while the General Court was responsible for the administration of justice. Contrary to the other British colonies in North America, Nova Scotia did not have a house of assembly for the simple reason that the Acadians, as the majority, would have controlled it. Because they were Catholics, the Acadians were unable to hold executive positions or to play a role at the judicial or legislative level.
In order to maintain relations with the Acadian population, the British administrators began by appointing representatives or delegates, who were later elected. The first six delegates were from the region of Annapolis Royal and were designated in May 1720. Subsequently this number was increased to 24 (8 for Annapolis Royal plus 4 for each of the settlements of Les Mines, Pisiquid, Cobequid, and Beaubassin). Several of these delegates, elected annually on the anniversary of the coronation of George II, fulfilled the duties of justices of the peace even though they could not be appointed officially because of the Test Oath. They were also given administrative duties such as supervising the upkeep of fences, roads, and bridges.
The chief concern of the British authorities of the time was obviously not to establish a democratic government modelled on the other British colonies, but rather to turn the Acadians into British subjects by making them take the oath of allegiance. This was one of the thorniest questions that faced the government of Nova Scotia. The position of the colonial authorities was based on a tradition established in the early days of English law. Land ownership was granted by the monarch to his subjects providing the subjects showed their allegiance in the form of an oath which resembled the feudal acknowledgement of fealty and homage.
As a result of political and religious problems, it was not unusual for English sovereigns to request that their subjects swear allegiance to the monarch especially at time of the accession to the throne. This practice was extended to Nova Scotia. Between 1710 and 1713, Commander Vetch tried various ways of making the Acadians take an oath of allegiance to the British crown. Given the political context of the period, it was out of the question for the Acadians to take an unconditional oath of allegiance to a European sovereign. In refusing to do so, the Acadians expressed their concerns about respect for the Catholic religion and their neutrality in the event of a conflict involving the French or the Native People. Convinced they were within their rights, the Acadians stressed several issues they considered crucial: free exercise of Roman Catholicism, their established rights, and the threat posed by the Native People.
The refusal on the part of the Acadians to take an unconditional oath could be interpreted as an act of rebellion punishable by expulsion, as suggested by Vetch. He quickly changed his mind, however, realizing that if the Acadians were driven out of Nova Scotia they would merely go to the French colonies and thus strengthen the position of France on Île Royale or in New France.
Several years later, further attempts to make the Acadians take the unconditional oath of allegiance failed. Lieutenant Governor Lawrence Armstrong was thus unsuccessful in swaying the Acadians. Weary of battling, the Acadians accepted verbally the condition of neutrality and swore the following oath:
I sincerely promise and swear in the faith of a Christian that I will be entirely faithful and will truly obey His Majesty King George the Second, whom I recognize as the sovereign lord of Nova Scotia and Acadia. So help me God.
However, Philipps did not send his superiors in Britain the French copy of the oath on which the following verbal promise had been notarized:
...that the inhabitants, when they have sworn hereto, will not be obliged to take up arms against France or against the Savages, and the said Inhabitants have further promised that they will not take up arms against the King of England or against its government.
It appeared that the issue of the oath had been settled. Philipps believed that a conditional oath was better than no oath at all. The Acadians, for their part, felt that they had acquired a special status as French Neutrals, which is what they were called thenceforth. The British administrators were obliged to resort to translations in order to communicate with the Acadians because "not one soul [could] write English". Prudent Robichaud, an Acadian, and Paul Mascarene, a Huguenot and the lieutenant governor of the colony, were the two men who were called upon most frequently for the translation and interpretation of administrative, judicial, and political directives for the colony.
Although few Acadians emigrated to Île Royale, there was a steady flow of immigrants from France and Newfoundland. Immediately after signing the Treaty of Utrecht, France decided to consolidate its position by constructing a fortress at a strategic location so that it could defend the entrance to the Gulf of St Lawrence, protect the colony in New France, prepare for the reconquest of Nova Scotia, and find a "place to fish in safety." The construction of the fortress began in 1720 at the chosen site, which was named Louisbourg in honour of the king of France. The population of Île Royale increased from 700 inhabitants in 1715 to 2,800 in 1723. Although Louisbourg was the most important settlement on the island, other villages were bustling with activity, such as Saint-Pierre, renamed Port Toulouse (St Peter's), located near the Strait of Canso and renowned for its slate quarries, and the important fishing port, Niganiche (Ingonish) situated on the Gulf of St Lawrence.
The Canso region was the object of considerable competition between French and British fishermen. The French encouraged the Mi'kmaq to attack British fishing vessels, thus forcing Governor Philipps to send a garrison to the area in 1720. Two years later a war erupted between the Native Peoples of the east coast and the British. When peace was declared in 1726, the British confirmed their control of the Canso region, henceforth considered the cod capital of New England.
The construction of the fortress at Louisbourg cost several million French pounds, employed numerous tradesmen, and created a significant demand for construction materials such as lumber, stone, slate, etc. which stimulated the island economy until the end of the French regime. Once the fortifications were completed, repairs were needed since the administrators chose inferior building materials so as to pocket some of the funds allocated for the construction. From 1963 to 1983 the Canadian government spent several million dollars on the partial reconstruction of the fortress which had been demolished by the British in 1758. Although the military aspect of Louisbourg strikes the imagination of visitors today, one should not forget that Louisbourg served as both a fishing port and maritime trading centre.
More than one thousand people in Louisbourg were directly or indirectly linked to the fishery, while numerous other individuals were involved in international trade. Clothing, ironware, salt, and wine arrived from France, whereas New France shipped grain, livestock (horses, cattle, and sheep), wood, and vegetables. Sugar, molasses, rum, coffee, and tobacco arrived from the French West Indies. The fisheries on Île Royale expanded to such an extent that it caused a decline in the fishing industry in the New England colonies because fishermen preferred to take their catch to Louisbourg for shipment elsewhere.
The Acadians in Nova Scotia also participated in trade with Île Royale although, theoretically, it was illegal. Livestock, grain, and furs were taken from Beaubassin to Baie-Verte or from Cobequid to Tatamagouche for transportation by boat to Louisbourg. Given the illicit nature of this trade, the Acadians left few records documenting their activities. Sixteen vessels took part in this trade in 1740, suggesting a surplus of agricultural products.
Although the colonial authorities were aware of this contraband, they did little to prevent it since, with the exception, of the inhabitants in the capital of Annapolis Royal, the Acadians were all living far from the seat of government.
Not obligated to take up arms: 1730-49
From 1713 to 1744 the French population of Nova Scotia enjoyed the benefits of peace. This was the first time since the early 1600s that the Acadians had known such a long period of tranquillity. They experienced phenomenal demographic growth as a result of one of the highest fertility rates of the period.
This rapid growth in population caused a number of problems, however, one of which was related to the farming of new lands. During the 1730s the land owned by the Acadians was surveyed and registered by the government in Annapolis which, after purchasing the seigneurial rights of a female descendant of the La Tour family, assumed that the French seigneurial system had been discontinued. The Acadians began improving land which until then had been unproductive. In the Beaubassin region a number of inhabitants settled along the Memramcook and Petitcodiac rivers and to the west in the Chipoudie (Shepody) region.
Without obtaining a grant from the government, the Acadians moved onto lands which in fact had been surveyed for future British immigration. The authorities attempted to collect taxes to offset administrative costs, but the Acadians found various pretexts to avoid paying; in fact, the authorities admitted that they only obtained £30 sterling in 1732 and £15 in 1745! The Acadians' quality of life had been based on the fact that "With no taxes to pay, they only worked to live".
The failure of the administration with regard to tax collection was repeated in the legal domain. Acadian society was dominated by a network of family ties that encompassed virtually every activity in life. In most cases, disputes were solved by the families themselves. The priest or the patriarch settled internal matters such as property lines, cattle theft, and accusations of assault.
The fact that few disputes were taken to the British court of law is an indication of the limited influence of the British judicial culture on the Acadian population. The rare cases that were submitted to the General Court represent examples in which a small group of individuals was incapable of finding protection and support within a family network. Such was the case of Louis Thibault, a new arrival in the colony who preferred to take his disagreement with Joseph Broussard to court since Broussard had considerable support among the population.
The impossibility of the British judicial system to penetrate the network of family relationships in order to integrate the Acadians into British institutions thus constituted a weak point in the administration at Annapolis Royal. By developing parallel judicial customs, the Acadians maintained their independence from the British administration.
The situation of the Roman Catholic Church in Nova Scotia was ambiguous. The free exercise of Catholicism was guaranteed by the Treaty of Utrecht, "insofar as the laws of Great Britain allowed," but according to these laws, the practice was in fact forbidden or at least made very difficult. A broad interpretation, much broader than was customary at the time, meant that the Acadians were not prevented from exercising their religious freedom.
This tolerant policy enabled the Roman Catholic Church to serve both the French and the Native populations. The English agreed to let the church in France send clergy to Nova Scotia on a regular basis even though, on occasion, the militancy of certain individuals caused some concern. The Séminaire des Missions étrangères in Paris sent missionaries among the Native Peoples, where they had considerable influence. Working among the Mi'kmaq of Nova Scotia, Father Maillard, for example, perfected a Mi'kmaq alphabet; Father Rasles, who was established on the Kennebec River, maintained the Abenakis under French influence; and in Beaubassin, Father Le Loutre enjoyed considerable authority among both the Natives and the Acadians in the region. The British accused the clergy of using the sword more than the cross, complaining that, in their view, the missionaries were acting as agents provocateurs, arousing anti-English feelings among the Native Peoples.
Although the missionaries enjoyed a certain authority among the Natives, their power was never absolute, since neither the Mi'kmaq or the Abenakis allowed even their chiefs to exercise total authority. The best the missionaries could hope for was to be as highly regarded as the chiefs. In most cases, they were accepted by the Natives and defended their interests earnestly. The significant influence of religion in the affairs of Nova Scotia is evident from the jealousy expressed by the French officers in Louisbourg and Beauséjour as a result of the prestige of the missionaries among the Native Peoples and from the fear of the administrators in Annapolis Royal concerning the paramilitary role of some of these missionaries. The Native Peoples did not espouse French policies subserviently; not knowing which of the two warring parties would be victorious, they preferred not to compromise their position.
The 1740s were marked by war. In Europe, France and Great Britain were battling over the rightful successor to the Austrian throne, while the American colonies were also going to war. Authorities in Louisbourg assumed that they would be able to count on the Acadians in an offensive against Nova Scotia. Authorities in Annapolis Royal, on the other hand, were afraid that the Acadians would rise up en masse "against their cruel enemy". In fact, the conduct of the Acadians during the War of the Austrian Succession thwarted all expectations. The French population in Nova Scotia considered that by taking an oath with certain reservations, it had acquired a legal status in 1730; consequently, it adopted a position of neutrality. Even though some Acadians collaborated with the French, the vast majority remained neutral.
The French authorities in Louisbourg were the first in North America to hear the news that war had been declared, so they launched a surprise attack in May 1744 against the fishing post at Canso. In the fall of the same year an expedition by land under the command of François Duvivier, a soldier who was "more adept in trade than in military art," made an unsuccessful attack against the fort at Annapolis Royal. Duvivier was disappointed that the Acadians had not greeted the French cause with enthusiasm, since he relied on the population for supplies and material. A merchant from Les Mines, Joseph LeBlanc, known as Le Maigre, paid 3,500 French pounds towards the expenditures incurred by Duvivier's troops. Joseph-Nicolas Gauthier from the Annapolis region also provided Duvivier with support. Following the failed attack on Annapolis Royal, the inhabitants of Les Mines decided not to give Duvivier's troops any more rations. On the other hand, Joseph LeBlanc and Joseph Dugas, both from Les Mines, were actively involved in the illicit trade between the Acadian settlements and Île Royale.
In 1745 New France also launched an offensive in Nova Scotia. Sieur Marin de La Malgue, accompanied by 100 militiamen and 400 Native men, advanced on foot to Beaubassin. After going through all the Acadian villages in search of recruits, the troops reached Annapolis Royal in May. Commander de La Malgue was forced to raise the siege at the end of the month because he had received orders to go immediately to Louisbourg, which being attacked by troops from New England.
Ever since the outbreak of war in Europe, the Anglo-American colonists had been looking for an opportunity to end the French presence in North America. Their first step was to strike at Louisbourg, whose position on the Atlantic trade route had disrupted the New England economy. Governor Shirley of Massachusetts managed very skilfully to overrule the objections concerning an attack against Louisbourg, considered to be the Gibraltar of North America, and then he put together a contingent of 4,000 militiamen, mainly from Massachusetts. These volunteers, placed under the command of William Pepperell, were accompanied by a British fleet composed of ten warships. After a 51-day siege, the governor of Louisbourg, Du Pont Duchambon, was forced to capitulate because of the lack of discipline among the French troops and a shortage of fresh supplies.
The capture of Louisbourg in 1745 can be explained by the desire for quick profit on the part of the militiamen; by the desire of other influential persons, such as officers and merchants, to take over from the French the trade in this seaport; and by religious fanatism that interpreted the capture as a victory of Protestantism over "Popery". The military occupation of Louisbourg proved to be more deadly for the soldiers of the British garrison than the siege itself. By 1749 over 1,000 soldiers had perished because of the inclement weather, the unsanitary conditions, and the difficulties in obtaining fresh supplies.
The news of the capture of Louisbourg caused consternation among the Acadians, who were worried about rumours to the effect that France and New France planned to join forces in 1746 for an attack designed to take back both Île Royale and Nova Scotia. Anxious to strike a hard blow, France placed the Duc d'Anville in command of a fleet of 72 ships and about 7,000 men, and Ramezay, an officer from New France, in charge of a troop of 750 soldiers. When Ramezay reached Annapolis Royal in the summer of 1746, he received information that forced him to return to the Beaubassin region. The French fleet had been decimated by a terrible storm: almost half of the men had been lost at sea and the remaining survivors had sailed back to France.
To stabilize the situation in Nova Scotia and establish an British military presence other than at Annapolis Royal, Lieutenant Governor Mascarene sent a garrison to Les Mines (Grand-Pré) for the winter of 1746-47. This provided the opportune moment for Ramezay's troops to strike. They left Beaubassin in January 1747 to attack the British garrison in Les Mines which was forced to surrender after 36 hours of fierce combat. The French had won the battle, but not the war. Pleased that they had remained prudently neutral in the conflict, the Acadians had no idea that the British authorities, disturbed by the turn of events, were reconsidering more carefully the future of Nova Scotia and in particular the fate of the French Catholics. Governor Shirley of Massachusetts proposed a twofold plan: force the Acadians to leave and encourage British settlers to immigrate.
Acadia lost: 1749-63
The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 brought back the status quo ante, much to the displeasure of the Anglo-American colonists, since Louisbourg was returned to France. The Board of Trade, the ministry in London in charge of the colonies, was subjected to a barrage of criticism and bombarded with proposals on how to solve the problem of the French in North America.
At this point the situation of the Acadians became increasingly precarious. Missionaries Jean-Louis Le Loutre and Pierre Maillard urged them to leave their lands and settle on the Isthmus of Chignecto, since France wanted to found a new Acadia in Shepody, Petitcodiac, and Memramcook. In order to counter the threat which Halifax represented and protect the Gulf of St Lawrence, France constructed Fort Beauséjour and Fort Gaspareau on the Isthmus of Chignecto. These measures were not considered to be acts of war, since the commission of enquiry set up by both powers to look into boundary issues produced no results; it eventually left the question of ownership of the territory to the outcome of the Seven Years' War. Before the War of the Austrian Succession, only a few Acadians had settled on Île Saint-Jean. The lack of alluvial soils on the island and the attachment to ancestral lands in Nova Scotia had discouraged immigration. However, the outbreak of war forced a large number of Acadians to take refuge on Île Saint-Jean, where the population tripled from 735 in 1748 to 2,200 in 1752. The census of 1752 provides very useful information on the origin of these settlers.
The climate of insecurity increased with the construction of fortifications in the Acadian settlements of Grand-Pré, Pisiquid, and Beaubassin. In 1749 the Mi'kmaq, allies of the French, declared war against the British on peninsular Nova Scotia and harassed them continuously. 156 Many Acadians who found the situation intolerable preferred to leave their farms and take refuge in French territory. Those who moved to the Isthmus of Chignecto region led a difficult existence. The diking of the marshlands not only required heavy manual labour but also meant that they had to wait several years before the soil could be cultivated. Until then, they were dependent on rations distributed by the French authorities. In 1752 more than 1,000 people on the Isthmus of Chignecto were living on public charity and were receiving a ration consisting of "2 pounds of bread; 1/2 pound of fresh meat or, failing that, salt pork or salt beef, and a shot of brandy in the morning." In exchange for this, the Acadians were expected to pledge their unconditional loyalty or else be "driven off the lands they [owned]." They were also obliged by the French authorities to devote themselves exclusively to farming.
From 1749 to 1758 the French threat was more apparent than real. The several hundred Acadians who migrated from the Grand-Pré area to the Isthmus of Chignecto and Île Saint-Jean were thrust into indigence and forced to rely on the support of the authorities. The same was true for the Mi'kmaq, who became increasingly dependent on the generosity of the French government in order to sustain their aggressive policy against the British. In order to solidify its presence in the Maritime region, France was obliged to ensure a constant flow of food and supplies to Louisbourg, which was not self-sufficient. France's aggressive policy constituted a diplomatic manoeuvre designed to retain possession of several islands in the West Indies (Saint Lucia, Tobago) which were considered to be more important than Acadia from a commercial point of view.
The Acadians on peninsular Nova Scotia were divided on two irreconcilable positions: definitive loyalty to France and temporary allegiance to England. European imperialism did not permit this dual perspective. In 1749, when Governor Cornwallis asked the Acadians to take an unconditional oath of allegiance under pain of expulsion, they had no desire to alter their position and thus, through their delegates, they rejected his ultimatum. Cornwallis was forced to back down, preferring to solidify the British position before going any further. His successor, Hopson, chose not to raise the issue so as to maintain some degree of administrative peace in the colony.
Charles Lawrence, appointed lieutenant-general in 1753, was the first British administrator in the colony to envisage Nova Scotia without Acadians. If they were expelled it would be easier to settle British Protestants. The renewal of hostilities in North America in 1754 enabled Lawrence to put his plan into action. To ensure the security of Nova Scotia, Lawrence raised with the help of his superior, William Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, an expeditionary corps to drive the French out of the Isthmus of Chignecto. General Monckton carried out his duties successfully by capturing Fort Beauséjour and Fort Gaspareau in June 1755.
By July, Lawrence wanted to settle the question of the oath of allegiance once and for all. He was surprised to learn that the Acadians were still anxious to discuss the issue at a time when they were being ordered to pledge unconditional loyalty. Taking advantage of the presence of Admiral Boscawen's fleet and the presence in the colony of troops from New England, the Legislative Council decided to deport the Acadians. Its decision was not unrelated to the news of General Braddock's defeat in the Ohio valley in July 1755. The inhabitants of the various settlements along the Bay of Fundy were rounded up and loaded onto boats until the end of December. Approximately 6,500 Acadians were shipped to the different Anglo-American colonies.
During the autumn of 1755 several hundred Acadians were able to escape the British troops temporarily by fleeing to Île Royale, New France, or Île Saint-Jean. Île Saint-Jean was transformed into a refugee camp where the resources, already too limited to supply the fortress in Louisbourg could not meet the needs of more than 4,000 inhabitants. Some Acadians resisted the Deportation. Among them were Joseph Beausoleil Broussard who, along with other resistors, launched a number of raids against the British troops in the Beaubassin region.
The prime minister of Britain, William Pitt, drew up a plan for the conquest of the French colonies in North America which included a series of attacks against Louisbourg, Quebec, and Montréal. Halifax served as a base of operations for the Louisbourg offensive. Admiral Boscawen was in command of the fleet and General Amherst lead the ground forces. After a siege which lasted almost two months, the governor of Île Royale, Augustin de Boschenry de Drucour, was forced to capitulate in July 1758. The civilian population was repatriated to France, but the soldiers were taken prisoner and transported to England. To prevent the fortress from being used again, it was demolished in 1760.
The Acadians who had taken refuge on Île Saint-Jean only benefited from a brief respite, since a detachment under the command of Rollo rounded up approximately 2,500 inhabitants on the island and, during the second phase of the Deportation, banished them to France. Despite their efforts to escape the enemy, many Acadians who had hid in the woods and along the coastline continued to be captured. The arrests went on until 1763.
The odious nature of the Deportation was increased by the practice of burning all traces of Acadian habitation, thus preventing the population from returning. In addition, the practice of scattering individuals shattered solidarity and emotional ties. The dispersal resulted in the loss of many lives, especially on board ship. In some cases, over a third of the passengers perished because of poor sanitary conditions and the lack of food and fresh water. In other cases, vessels and passengers were lost at sea during storms. In addition to the loss of their belongings and separation from members of their family, the Acadians who landed in any of the colonies from Massachusetts to South Carolina were greeted with hostility by the local inhabitants, who complained about the unexpected arrival of these prisoners and the extra expenditures that they would incur.
Many books have been published on the Deportation. Some authors attempt to explain the causes of this inhumane act by invoking greed, cruelty, and imperialism. Others, while stressing that the Acadians were irreducible, considered the Deportation inevitable given the European political framework of the time.
The various phases of the Deportation were but a prelude for interminable wanderings. As the following table indicates, the forced migrations led the Acadians, in search of a new country, to many distant places. Those who returned to Nova Scotia were denied the right to occupy their former lands, which had already been redistributed to British immigrants from New England. Approximately 12,000 of these immigrants, referred to as Planters, settled in Nova Scotia. Their arrival radically changed the ethnic character of the colony which, for the first time since the conquest in 1710, was inhabited by a British and Protestant majority.
Acadians who wanted to settle in Nova Scotia could do so providing they took the oath of allegiance and dispersed themselves in small groups. They chose to establish themselves away from the British population, in places where they could recreate an hospitable climate in which they could preserve their customs. Living conditions were not always easy, as the problems that awaited them would demonstrate. The Acadians living in exile continued to seek news of their friends and relatives or information on the possibility of finding another land of adoption.